Eritrea was conquered in 1890 by Italy, who hung onto it until World War II, when they were expelled by the British. Eritrea was awarded to Ethiopia in 1952 as part of a federation. Ethiopia's annexation of Eritrea as a province ten years later sparked a 30-year struggle for independence, which ended in 1991 with Eritrean rebels defeating Ethiopian and Ethiopian-backed forces. Independence was overwhelmingly approved in a 1993 referendum administered by the UN.
Hopes were high when the new state was born but a new border war with Ethiopia erupted again in 1998 and ended only under UN auspices in December 2000. Eritrea briefly hosted a UN peacekeeping operation that monitored a 25 km-wide Temporary Security Zone on the border with Ethiopia. An international commission, organized to resolve the border dispute, posted its findings in 2002. However, final demarcation is on hold due to Ethiopian objections, and the border remains very tense to this day. Eritrea has since expelled the peacekeepers due to lack of support from the UN in having the border ruling enforced.
Using the war as an excuse, Eritrea's government has devolved into one of the most controlling states in the world. No national elections have ever been held, the misleadingly named People's Front for Democracy and Justice is the only party allowed, dissidents disappear into jails and the country comes dead last in the Press Freedom Index. Obligatory military service has been extended to eight years for men and women, border guards shoot on sight at people trying to escape, and Eritreans outside the country have to pay taxes to visit. The country is desperately poor, with half the population subsisting on less than a dollar a day. Growth was crippled by the war and the termination of trade with Ethiopia, but has been steady due to state partnerships with mining companies.
Hot, dry desert strip along Red Sea coast; cooler and wetter in the central highlands (up to 610mm (24 in) of rainfall annually); semiarid in western hills and lowlands; rainfall heaviest during June-September except in the coastal desert.
Bordering Ethiopia, there are north-south trending highlands, descending on the east to a coastal desert plain, on the northwest to hilly terrain and on the southwest to rolling plains. Eritrea retained the entire coastline of Ethiopia along the Red Sea upon declaring independence in 1993.
Eritrea is a relatively small country (by African standards), about the same size as Pennsylvania or England, but it has a varied and contrasting landscape due to the diverse topography of the Great Rift Valley, which traverses all of East Africa, the Red Sea and the Middle East.
The country's most interesting destinations are its natural attractions. There are six main topographical features in the country. The highlands in the center and south of Eritrea, the western lowlands, the Sahel in the north, the subtropical eastern escarpments, the northern coast and archipelago and the southern coast.
The highlands, where the capital Asmara is situated, lie between 1500 and 3500 meters above sea level and are blessed with a temperate, Mediterranean and dry climate, with little seasonal variation in temperature. There, the rainy season comes between May and September and the dry season lasts from December to April. There is however considerable variation in temperature between different altitudes in the highlands. The landscape essentially consists of valleys, hills and vast expanses of plateaus interrupted by dramatic chasms and gorges. The dry season from December to April is distinguished by the red-brown, rusty, beige or black (stone and rubble-colored) landscape, resembling photos from Mars. The vegetation consists largely of shrubbery, eucalyptus, aloes, cacti and the odd explosively colorful specs of bougainvillea, jacaranda or other ornamental plants in the villages and towns. The rainy season brings torrents of rain and nourishment to the land, which transforms into a verdant, emerald and grassy landscape in the post-rain months from August to October.
Rural highlanders live a lifestyle that resembles Biblical times: villages with stone houses, small plots, ancient temples (both Christian and Muslim), people farming and herding with traditional means using little technology, and transporting their goods (as well as themselves) with mules and camels. A good place to explore the highland landscape is in the outskirts of Asmara, the capital. Near the village of Tselot is the Martyrs National Park, inaugurated in 2000. It is a mountainous forest and wildlife preserve at the ridge of the highland plateau where the capital was built.
The western lowlands lie between 1500 and 100 meters above sea level, the climate is tropical with high humidity and heat throughout the day during the rainy season (which comes at the same time as in the Highlands i.e. from May to September) and dry hot days with cold nights during the dry season. The landscape consists largely of plains, which are grassy, muddy and green during the rainy season and dry, dusty and sparsely covered with shrubbery during the dry season.
The plains are interrupted by the odd hills and mounts as well as three seasonal rivers originating in the Eritrean highlands and one perennial river, which forms part of the Ethiopian border and originates in the Ethiopian highlands (the Setit, also known as Tekeze in Ethiopia and Atbara in Sudan). All major towns in the lowlands are situated on or near these rivers. The southern half of the lowlands consists of typical African Savannah and hosts the odd flocks of wild African elephants and other typically Savannah-type flora and fauna. The northern half of the lowlands is considered part of the Sahara desert and consists of vast expanses of sand dunes and rocks with a few sparsely populated oases. The best place to explore both aspects of the lowlands is the market town Tessenei by the Sudanese border and its surroundings, as it lies right between the dry and green parts of the lowlands. Tessenei is also a place of trade for the nomadic peoples of the desert as well as the sedentary farming communities of the Savannah. Tessenei affords some of the most basic amenities for visitors such as hotels with showers and flush toilets, shops (including photo shops to buy film and bottled drinks) and restaurants serving well-cooked meals. It is accessible by asphalt road from the capital Asmara via Keren and the towns of Agordat and Barentu, which takes about 10 hours. Buses run daily from Asmara. It can also be reached by dirt track from the Sudanese city of Kassala only 40 km (25 mi) away. Considering the border bureaucracy, this short distance could however prove to be a whole day's endeavor.
The Sahel in northern Eritrea lies at the eastern fringes of the great Sahara desert and is distinguished by its sharp contrast with the sandy deserts of the western lowlands and those of the eastern coast. The Sahel consists of a towering narrow chain of mountains ranging from 1000 to 2500 meters (3280-8200 ft) high and continue all the way north to Sudan and Egypt (a feature of the Great Rift Valley). The slopes to the east and west are sparsely populated by herding nomads. The rainy season in the western slopes comes at the same time as in the Highlands and western lowlands, whereas the eastern slopes resembles the Red Sea's climate of erratic precipitation between December and March. The rainfall in this region is much less than in most other inhabited parts of the country. The climate is desert-like with little humidity, dry hot days and cold nights with little seasonal variation in temperatures. Variations in temperature are seen however, between different altitudes. Heavy erosion due to war and previous overgrazing has also seriously impeded the benefits of the rainy seasons. The landscape is therefore very arid and fit for only the most tenacious of nomadic herding communities. The central and northern core consists of impenetrable and hair-raising mountain passes, gorges and valleys. This was the main base for the Eritrean rebels (who now make up the country's government) when they fought against Ethiopia for Eritrea's independence. One seasonal river, Anseba, originating in the highlands, bisects the mountain range and drains in a delta on the Red Sea coast of Sudan just north of the Eritrean border. The best place to explore the Sahel is the town of Nakfa, which was the main base of the Eritrean resistance and gave the national currency its name. Nakfa also has a war-museum commemorating the liberation struggle and a comfortable, yet modest government-run hotel with a restaurant and satellite TV. It is accessible from Asmara via Keren on asphalt road and from Keren via the town of Afabet on a dirt road. This takes 10 to 12 hours as the road between Keren and Nakfa is awful. Buses run to Nakfa from Keren starting early in the morning so a trip from Asmara would entail an overnight stay in Keren (which is served many times daily from Asmara). Afabet is also accessible by asphalt road from the port of Massawa via the town of She'eb. The Massawa-Nakfa trip would still take about 10 hours as the unavoidable Afabet-Nakfa leg of the journey is the most taxing. Buses run once weekly from Massawa to Nakfa.
The subtropical eastern escarpment, consists of the eastern (seaward) slopes of the highland region. Unique for this thin sliver of landscape is that it hosts the country's only subtropical rainforest and one of the world's largest selection of bird species, both seasonal (winter-migrants) and endemic (tropical). Being so mountainous, it has never been heavily settled (luckily) as it is very hard to farm. Nevertheless, there are some small coffee and spice plantations in its central, higher altitude areas as well as tropical fruit plantations in the lower areas. The Solomouna National Park is the best place to explore this area and is accessible by asphalt road from the capital Asmara as well as the port of Massawa. The only way to the national park is by guided tour with one of Eritrea's tour agencies, which all operate out of Asmara. Traveling to coastal Massawa from highland Asmara, one also passes through this region. The flavor of this region is represented by the towns and villages between Nefasit (25 km from Asmara) and Dongollo Alto (50 km from Asmara).
The northern coast and archipelago consists largely of a sandy red-brown and beige semi-desert with some shrubbery and volcanic basalt-rock along the mainland coast. The elevation is between 0 and 500 meters (1640 ft) above sea level and the climate is always tropical and humid, reaching uncomfortable highs of 37 to 50 degrees C (99-122 F) in the summer months from May to September before cooling to breezy and warm "low's" of 25 to 35 degrees (77-95 F) between October and March. The rainy season is an insignificant concept on the coast as it seldom rains at all, save for the freak storm that occurs on the odd year. Some minimal precipitation and cloudiness may occur in the months of November to March, but the coast relies mainly on the runoff from the highlands and eastern escarpments for its water supply (from aquifers and table water). The few attractions inland are the hot springs resort about 35 km (22 mi) from the port city of Massawa, where hot mineral water baths are available and the water is also bottled as one of the country's most popular mineral water sources and brands (Dongollo, sold in brown glass bottles).
The coast and archipelago host some of the Red Sea's most pristine coral reefs, rife with marine wildlife ranging from dugongs and mantas to big schools of tigerfish, dolphins and of course sharks. Eritrea's coast offers some of the best diving in the world but some of the most limited diving and tourist facilities, all of which are based in the port city of Massawa and are extremely expensive. The beaches in and immediately surrounding the port city of Massawa as well as to the north are of modest to poor quality due to pollution as well as flooding and erosion from the nearby highlands. Parts of the northern coast also consists of large mangrove swamps, great for fishing and bird watching but not for beach life.
The beaches on the Dahlak islands, on the other hand, are clean, white and pristine, with lagoons of clear turquoise water. The only way to get to the Dahlak islands is to charter a boat from a licensed company in Massawa. The biggest island Dahlak Kebir, which features one modest resort-hotel is only 90 km (56 mi) away as are some other smaller uninhabited islands like Dissei, which can make for affordable day-trips from Massawa. Beyond Dissei, the archipelago extends much farther and offers much greater attractions. With Eritrea's limited facilities, the possibility of going on longer cruises and exploring more of the attractions is prohibitively expensive and only available through a few European-run companies based in Massawa. With the country's heightened sense of security, doing such travel independently on one's own boat or a chartered one is impossible. The best place to explore the northern coast and archipelago is obviously the port city of Massawa.
The southern coast is perhaps Eritrea's most dramatic yet most inhospitable landscape because of its volcanoes, quicksand, bubbling sulphuric mud pools, salt lakes, coastal cliffs and inland depressions. The elevation ranges between peaks of over 2000 meters (6,560 ft) above sea level and depressions of more than 100 meters (330 ft) below sea level with fields of salt pans and strangely shaped rocks where temperatures reach the highest on our planet. The southern coast has the highest recorded temperatures in Eritrea which regularly reaches 55°C (131 F). Humidity keeps the temperatures high all throughout the day and seasonal variations are the same as on the northern coast. The northern inland areas of the southern coast offer a dramatic landscape of contrast between the backdrop of the towering mountains of the highlands to the west and the vast expanses of coastal desert to the east. It is the only area of considerable vegetation in the whole region, thanks to the highland rainfall and runoff. The area also hosts an interesting array of wildlife such as mountain goats and ostriches. The region is situated between the port cities of Massawa and Assab, which are about 500 km (310 mi) apart. The region is ideally visited on a journey between the two cities, but a journey could also consist of excursions from Massawa and/or Assab individually, especially for trips geared towards viewing inland landscapes. Any journey without guides to this region is off-limits due to the extreme climate as well as political volatility near the Ethiopian border. The only public transportation in the area consist of buses between Massawa and Assab, which run a few times weekly. Assab is also served by Nasair from Asmara twice weekly.
Some Eritrean Embassies have websites where a visa application can be downloaded and printed out, saving you some time. When you apply for a visa to Eritrea, you must do it at an Eritrean Embassy in - or accredited to - the country where you are a citizen and nowhere else. If there is no Eritrean Embassy or mission in your country, contact your foreign office/ministry to verify the nearest accredited Eritrean mission. Below is a list of Eritrean Embassies around the world.
These are the Eritrean Embassies or consulates in
When traveling overland, as of December 2008 it was NOT possible to obtain visas in Sudan (neither in Khartoum nor Kassala) unless you're a Sudanese national or a foreign resident. The border with Djibouti has been indefinitely closed as of December 2008 and with Ethiopia as of May 1998.
For a tourist visa, you need to submit specific information about when and at what border post you will arrive and depart, so it is wise to have already made some plans (such as buying a ticket).
Eritrea has two international airports: Asmara International Airport in the capital Asmara, and Massawa International Airport in the coastal city of Massawa. There is a US$20/€15 airport fee payable upon departure.
Egyptair serves Asmara twice to 3 times weekly from Cairo.Yemenia Air fly twice weekly from Sanaa.Eritrean Airlines flies from Cairo, Dubai, Khartoum, Lahore, Qatar flies from Doha three times per week.Nasair flies from Cairo, Dubai, Jeddah, Nairobi, Bamako, Khartoum, Juba, Entebbe and Ndjamena.
There is a Vintage Tourist line connecting Asmara and the port city of Massawa but, to date, there is no international railway connection to Eritrea.
You can enter Eritrea driving from Sudan (Kassala border crossing) provided you have a valid certificate of ownership of the vehicle you're driving (no rentals) and all your (including your passengers') passports and visas in order as well as a customs declaration (if necessary). Visas should be arranged in your country of origin, before arriving in Sudan (unless you are a Sudanese national). The roads on the borders are very poor so you should be driving a 4WD. The first gas-station entering Eritrea from the Sudanese border is in Tessenei, a distance of about 40 km. Diesel is more easily available than petrol.
There are Sudanese pickup taxis running from Kassala in Sudan to the Eritrean border (a half hour away) daily, and Eritrean taxis from the Eritrean border to Tessenei (Tessenei is located 45 kilometer from the Sudanese border), about an hour away.
The bureaucracy of the border crossings can take hours so start in the morning or early afternoon from Kassala in Sudan as it is not possible to enter Eritrea after dusk (border posts are closed).
Ports and harbors: Assab (Aseb), Massawa (Mits'iwa). Sadaka Shipping Lines and Eritrean Shipping Lines serve the route Massawa - Jeddah in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. They serve mainly Muslim pilgrims, and it is quite difficult for non-pilgrims to enter or transit the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. If you are sailing or cruising in on a private boat, you can apply for a special permit upon arrival in the ports of Massawa and Assab, to re-fuel, buy supplies and make reparations. Consult your country's foreign ministry and the Eritrean mission in/accredited to your country of origin in advance for details.
If you are flying in to Asmara, you will need a permit from the Tourist Bureau on Liberation Avenue if you consider traveling outside Asmara's city limits. This permit needs to be applied for 10 days before travel. There are very few places other than Asmara, Keren and Massawa/Dahlak Islands that foreigners can travel to as of January 2010 (other than those on a designated mission working with the Eritrean government). If you are coming by land (or ferry/private boat to Massawa), you can get a travel permit at the locality of your arrival, to transit the country, given you have a valid entry visa to Eritrea. As long as you notify and consult with the Eritrean mission issuing your entry visa about your point of entry and travel plans well ahead of time, getting the travel permit is no problem.
The most common form of intercity transportation in Eritrea is bus and/or minibus. The most frequent services, consisting of several buses/minibuses a day run between Asmara and Keren, Asmara and Massawa as well as between Asmara and the towns of the southern highlands such as Debarwa, Mendefera, Adi Quala as well as Dekemhare, Segeneiti, Adi Caieh and Senafe reaching the Ethiopian border. It is not possible for foreign nationals to approach the Ethiopian border and travel beyond the towns of Senafe and Adi Quala as it is a heavily militarized war zone. There are also daily bus services on the road between Teseney (On the Sudanese border close to Kassala) and Asmara traversing Barentu, Agordat and Keren as well as an alternative route traversing Barentu and Mendefera. Once a day, buses/minibuses also run between Asmara and some of the villages of the southern highlands as well. Buses to the north of the country (Nakfa) are less frequent and travel between once weekly to a couple of times weekly between Asmara and Nakfa traversing Keren and Afabet. The buses to the southern coast (Assab) from Asmara are equally infrequent, once weekly only, traversing Massawa. Tickets are bought on the bus and a first-come-first-served rule applies. Some state-run bus lines traveling to remote frontier areas do allow for tickets to be bought in advance at the Asmara bus station, where you can also inquire about the bus-schedule. There will always be some people who speak English and are more than willing to help translate.
Nasair connects Asmara with remote Assab twice weekly, and it flies between Asmara and Massawa twice weekly. However the latter flight route may not be a necessary option since the distance between the latter two cities is only 120 km (75 mi) along one of Eritrea's best and most scenic roads. There are also buses several times a day running between the two cities, which cost a fraction of the flight and take little more than two hours while making time for refreshing stops in the mountains.
The only rail line in Eritrea runs between Asmara and Massawa, and it is only served by a museum railway (steam engine and all) with no regular service except for freight. It only caters to chartered tour groups, and it takes a daunting 5 hours to complete just the one way journey.
Eritrea has no official language, as its constitution establishes the "equality of all Eritrean languages." However, Tigrinya serves as de facto language of national identity. Other national languages of the various ethnic groups of Eritrea include languages Tigre, Kunama, Saho, Bilen, Nara and Afar. Tigrinya, English and Arabic serve as de facto working languages. Italian, the former colonial language, is widely used in commerce, with a few elderly monolinguals. English, however, will get far...
Asmara today is in the center of the world in terms of cleanness, tranquility and architectural style. What it makes it unique and so lovely are the public buildings, villas, and mansions of Art Deco (or Decorative Art). They were built from different architectural styles ranging from Art Deco to Futuristic and Rationalist. The architectural design of the buildings is very unique and especially the facades are catchy to watch. They are majestic and some of them look like sailing ships and monuments dear to remember.
Others look like exotic falls from alien worlds (or otherworldly thing), and still others look like so wonderful paints of a genus artist. Anyone could observe by strolling to the Coptic Orthodox Church, the Church of Our Lady of the Rosary (commonly called the cathedral, because from 1923 to 1995 it was the principal Catholic church), the Mosque, the cinemas and what have you in the heart of the city which are a wonderful pieces of architecture. The majestic scenery of the buildings of Asmara highlighted by umbrella like palm trees are by themselves inviting to appreciate and give pleasure to see and admire.
Asmara is an ideal place to appreciate and to quench the nostalgia for the early 20th century Art Deco. Foreign visitors are heard saying people of Asmara are living in a museum. The city's Art Deco was built in the first four decades of the 20th century by mass labour force of its native people, and with few Italian money and engineers. Most Art Deco buildings in the world are found in few cities. In Asmara, they are intact, preserved and old (as saying has it, ‘Old is Gold’), whereas those in Europe and other places were destroyed either by the two Great Wars or by the successive modernization waves or both.
The currency is the Eritrean nakfa, denoted by the symbol "Nfk" or "???" (ISO currency code: ERN). It is pegged to the US dollar. The official exchange rates are shown above. Black market rates may differ, although a currency reform in 2016 may have largely eliminated the black market as the black market rate was reported in April 2016 to be Nfk16=US$1.
Coins are issued in denominations of 1 cent, 5 cents, 10 cents, 25 cents, 50 cents and 100 cents and 1 nakfa. Banknotes are issued in denominations of 1, 5, 10, 20, 50 and 100 nakfas. Do not accept banknotes issued before 1 January 2016 as they are no longer valid.
The best Eritrean souvenirs are traditional handicrafts made from leather, olivewood, clay and straw. These can be found in most souvenir shops in Asmara along with traditional home-spun cotton garments. Posters and postcards are also readily available at most press-kiosks even at the airport. Leopard and zebra skin as well as ivory items can be found in the souvenir markets, but you will be stopped from leaving Eritrea with these. Then, you will probably be stopped and fined at your home destination, because international trade in such materials is banned. Eritrea however has several souvenirs made from goatskin. Gold, pearl, and silver jewellery is also available in the markets in Asmara along with frankincense and myrrh. Beware buying textiles such as home-spun cotton garments, animal skins with fur and mats; they could be infested with parasites. Make sure it has been washed, treated and dried before returning home.
Eritrea is generally a very cheap place to shop, eat, travel and spend time (Hotel prices, apart from the pricey 5-star Intercontinental in Asmara, are also very cheap). The only things that could be expensive in the country are understandably imports (especially fuel), services that depend on imports (up-scale restaurants, hotels, private transport or flights) and various government fees (visas, airport taxes, travel permits, etc.) If you stay away from imports (or bring such things as toiletries and cosmetics), eat locally, stay at budget hotels (especially the government-owned), and travel on public transportation, you need less than US$50 per day for food, lodging and transport.
Eritrean cuisine in the highlands (around Asmara) consists largely of spicy dishes and is very similar to Ethiopian food. The staple is a flat, spongy crepe or bread called injera, made from a batter of fermented grains. Spicy stews with meat and vegetables are served on top of it and eaten with the hands. This cuisine is generally found in many restaurants in the country.
Middle Eastern dishes such as shahan-ful (bean stew) served with pitas are also readily available everywhere but more commonly eaten for breakfast or brunch in modest establishments.
Lowland cuisine is not readily available in many restaurants, but in the old town (outermost island) of Massawa, adjacent to the freeport area, there are some simple restaurants that serve cuisine typical to the Red Sea area such as grilled spicy fish and "khobzen" (pitas drenched in goats butter and honey).
Owing to its colonial history, Italian food is abundant, albeit not too varied all across Eritrea. You will always find a restaurant that serves good pasta, lasagna, steak, grilled fish, etc.
In Asmara, there are also several Chinese restaurants, a Sudanese restaurant, and an Indian restaurant (Rooftop).
The most common beverage in Eritrea by far is beer. There is only one (state-owned) brand in the country so there is not much choice, but it is quite good. Beer is consumed cold in Eritrea. Beer's popularity is closely followed by various soft drinks, and the most common flavours are as elsewhere in the world: orange, lemon/lime and cola, produced by one of the most recognizable brands in the world. The same company that holds the beer monopoly also holds the monopoly on producing the local form of Sambouca, colloquially called "Araqi", as well as Vermouth and other spirits. International brands of the same spirits, as well as others, are readily available at most bars for a cheap price. Sophisticated cocktails are not known in Eritrea (as of yet) outside of the Intercontinental Hotel which charges a steep price. On a side note, there is an Irish bar in that hotel.
Traditionally Eritreans also drink the local form of mead called "suwa", which consists of old bread fermented in water with honey, as well as a sweet honeywine called "mies".
Tap water should not be drunk by foreigners. There is plenty of relatively cheap bottled mineral water, both carbonated and non-carbonated in Eritrea.
Cafes in some towns offer fresh fruit juices. These should be avoided as these may cause food-poisoning to foreigners. Unpeeled fruits can be eaten or squeezed fresh by you. Avoid "ready-squeezed" juices as well as ice creams and all types of salads. Stick to bottled drinks and cooked foods.
There are hotels at all prices and standard ranges in Asmara, from the modest ones for 200 Nakfa ($30 per night) to the overpriced Intercontinental Hotel Asmara, the only international hotel present in the country at the moment, (a little over $150 per night). Some hotels have one price for foreigners and another for locals. In most smaller towns, the lodging is quite modest and priced accordingly. The only expensive hotels outside of Asmara would be the two hotels on the sea in Massawa, neither of which exceeds $65 per night as of 2007. Modest in Eritrean terms usually means shared bathroom with several other guests, no room-service, a common room TV, no air-conditioning and no change of sheets or cleaning throughout occupancy unless asked for (and then you might be charged extra just as if you had your clothes washed and ironed, which is also readily available for an additional price). The middle-range hotels will have all these missing amenities (private bathroom, TV, air-conditioning, etc.) but no room-service nor inclusive laundering of sheets or clothes during occupancy. Restaurants and/or cafes are available at most mid-range hotels are regular hangout places for non-guests. In a hot place like Massawa, it is very highly recommended to stay at least at a middle-range hotel where air-conditioning is available. The only hotel that accepts credit cards in Eritrea is the Intercontinental (for a fee) and it is also the only hotel in the entire country with a swimming pool (both indoor and outdoor), gym and other common amenities in a modern standard hotel. Most, if not all, hotels beyond the towns of Asmara, Massawa, Keren and Assab are of the modest category. There are reported to be mid-range hotels in Nakfa, Barentu and Tessenei as well as resorts in Gel'alo and Dahlak (on the South coast and east of Massawa, respectively).
There are opportunities to go to Eritrea to teach and/or to do research projects at the country's institutions of Higher Education and Ministries. However, funding must be provided by your home country as well as a clearance from an Embassy of Eritrea.
Working in Eritrea for an Eritrean employer (state or private) and for an Eritrean wage is not an attractive prospect for most Westerners or people reading Wikivoyage. Most foreigners in Eritrea work for foreign employers (the UN, the few remaining NGOs, Foreign Companies, Foreign Embassies and related agencies as well as the International School). A few foreigners, mainly from South Asia, work for the Eritrean government in various state-job contracts. Most, if not all, of these individuals acquired their jobs in their home country and/or were recruited and provided with their legal documentation by the Eritrean government while in their home country. It is unusual and perhaps difficult to arrive in Eritrea on a tourist visa and later apply for a work and residence permit while there.
Watch out for bicycle riders, vehicle drivers and pedestrians. People don’t look when crossing streets and bike riding accidents are common. Eritrea is general safe though and you can walk about at night and anywhere in the cities and not worry about crime. There are sometimes children that aggressively beg but usually leave you alone if you are stern with them.
Traveling near the borders of any country surrounding Eritrea is extremely dangerous, and should be avoided. The towns of Teseney, Barentu and Assab should also be avoided due to the dangerous situation there. Tensions remain high with neighboring states, and violence can erupt at anytime.
Do not drink the tap water and even check bottled water to make sure the cap is sealed. Be very careful what you eat. Many people get sick here. There is a Jordanian UN hospital that will treat foreigners. Local hospitals have inadequate facilities. Be healthy if you come here. Avoid uncooked food and unbottled drinks.
Adult HIV/AIDS is more than 0.8%.
Eritrea's country code is 291.
To circumvent heavy censorship, use the free, open-source TOR Project. This workaround may become steadily less effective as the repressive regime gets aid and advice from China.
A 17-year-old boy of Bengali immigrant parents once told me how much he loved riding a bicycle—but that he would drive a car when he was an adult.
We were cycling from London to the coastal city of Brighton at the time. His mind was clearly infused with cultural notions of car ownership as a form of status and wealth — but more than that, it seemed to hinge on an idea that cycling belonged to a time of childhood, youth, and, broadly, of innocence. His image was in harmony with futurist author H.G. Wells, who wrote in 1905: “Cycle tracks will abound in utopia.”
In an age of politics proud to knock the vulnerable, where many fear for society’s loss of innocence, the way bicycles are creating a place for themselves on the world’s car-filled roads offers both a beacon and guide. It shows how a fringe and fragile, but rational idea can survive a political climate that prides itself on the ability to be firm, tough, and even mean.
Physics alone makes a compelling case for the value of the bicycle. Designed to human proportions, bicycles are recognized as the most energy-efficient means of transport available — better even than walking. A bicycle requires around 50 calories per passenger mile, and while cars vary greatly in efficiency rates, the equivalent figure starts at around 1,500. The bicycle is to transportation what pulleys and winches are to lifting; in their very essence, and even quite literally, bicycles give power to the powerless.
Over history, this quality has made them ever-present in both social change and protest. In 1896, American suffragette Susan B. Anthony famously pronounced of the bicycle, ‘’I think it has done more to emancipate women than anything else in the world.’’ In the grainy footage of Chinese protesters clearing the wounded from Tiananmen Square in 1989, bicycles are visible bearing stretchers and helping protesters get around. In Saudi Arabia, as religious leaders prop up a conservative nation reliant on oil prices, the country’s first domestically produced film, Wadjda, features a young girl determined to resist the forces that try to stop her from riding the green bicycle she dreams of owning. The bicycle toes a delicate cultural line, along which it is powerful enough to inspire, but innocent enough not to offend censors.
In many examples, the bicycle plays both practical and emotional roles. Kimberly Coats, a cycling advocate who’s worked across Africa, has seen bicycles allow health workers to cover otherwise-impossible distances. Coats now runs women’s cycling club Team Rwanda Cycling, and explains how women have been slower to take up riding in Rwanda than in Ethiopia, Eritrea, and other places she has worked. “It’s been an uphill battle to find women interested in learning to cycle and then having the fortitude to stand up to the cultural stigma placed on them for riding,” she says. “It’s a slow process, but it is a process, and we are witnessing change. It’s not just freedom; bicycles are essential to a better quality of life in Africa.”
Coats’ partner organization, Qhubeka, runs a number of projects across Africa that reward community work with bicycles. In the informal settlement of Kayamandi, in South Africa’s Western Cape province, 18-year-old Olwethu is now able to cycle to school and pursue ambitions of studying medicine. “Riding my bicycle has brought me closer to myself. It has taught me to be brave. The bicycle has changed my life,” she says. “I’m standing proud to show that I can ride my bicycle as a female and that not only men can ride. We also can do this.”
Those qualities are well-summarized in a 2012 message, encouraging riders to join a bicycle phalanx as it made its way to New York’s Union Square and Occupy Wall Street protests: “Bike Blocs at street protests have the advantage of being able to break up and reform. The spontaneity of a Bike Bloc means that participants are able to easily move through the streets without needing leaders or a decided route … In the past, Bike Blocs have provided a tremendous amount of solidarity and logistical support to demonstrators who are on foot.”
In both Western and non-Western settings, the low barriers to obtaining and using a bicycle, which requires little maintenance and is largely resilient against most kinds of mechanic failure, predisposes the technology toward inclusivity.
Although it’s hard to plot a single, accurate timeline in such a global trend, 2009 might usefully be seen as a tipping point in the cultural renaissance of the bicycle — a moment when its marginal, grassroots appeal started to go mainstream. With a greater number of people living in cities than the world’s rural areas for the first time, a pendulum tipped — bringing with it the need for efficient transport in settings that now define most of the human presence on Earth.
In the manicured spaces of the modern Western city, the bicycle offers a safe, healthy means of rebellion, perfectly attuned to the new vogue. Financial institutions in London and New York, which flocked eagerly to sponsor cycle hire schemes, have led the clamor around buying a slice of H.G. Wells’ prophesied utopia.
Nonetheless, the bicycle now has an almost existential appeal. In Paris, Mayor Anne Hidalgo has begun closing stretches of urban expressway so that the banks of the River Seine can see a “reconquest” by bikes and pedestrians. Back in London, Mayor Sadiq Khan has pledged to double cycling investment, build more bike lanes, and “make London a byword for cycling.” Campaigners are determinedly holding his feet to the fire on those promises, but the way politicians are now expected to come to the table with positive sound bites on bicycles demonstrates how central they are in the creation of modern, livable spaces.
This growing political popularity of cycling is not only the prevail of public-spirited leftists. In New York, it was finance-billionaire-turned-mayor Michael Bloomberg who first insisted Manhattan streets must accommodate bicycles. Some of the most impressive cycle infrastructure in London was signed-off by Boris Johnson; a man educated at Eton and Oxford, belonging to the highest walks of the British class system. To traditional conservatives, cycling seems to have a life-affirming appeal that draws resilience, thanks to the diversity of its gene pool.
The notion that bicycles form part of the architecture of a healthy city is also growing outside the West. Clarisse Linke is Brazil’s country director for the global Institute for Transportation and Development Policy, through which she has successfully pushed for the implementation of bicycle infrastructure in sprawling, gridlocked São Paulo. A well-integrated network of bike lanes has boosted the popularity of cycling on key routes by 116 percent, while also delivering large reductions in fatal accidents.
“The bike lane program came with a broader movement for reclaiming public spaces in São Paulo,” explains Linke. “There’s also an important mindset change in the population, which started to discover the need and joy of being ‘out in the streets.’ Bikes play an important role in that, as citizens have the possibility to interact with other citizens while outside a car.”
A city-centric view of the unstoppable roll of the bicycles, however, is perhaps wishful thinking. In thriving urban areas, we see bicycles in a glorified role as an avatar for metropolitan liberty. Cycling is celebrated in a city’s culture, media, and politics; cycling fashion is championed, each fatality is given broad coverage, condemned by campaign groups, and commemorated by protesters willing to close junctions by lying down in the street — an action that channels the idea of a sit-in into a “die-in.”
It isn’t only a question of urban areas, however. Different cities have different characteristics. Activists in the concrete sprawl of Houston, Texas, have been moved to begin a “ghost bike” project in which painted bicycles are left at those places where cyclists have been killed by drivers; their deaths treated by police as if such events were an obvious cost of using the road network on two wheels. Despite the existence of a grassroots cycling community to condemn the injustice, its presence has not yet permeated the minds of public servants.
Outside major metropolitan areas, the rights of cyclists are even more easily flouted. The statistics bear this out. In the U.K., rural roads host just 32 percent of every billion miles cycled, but are home to 58 percent of cycling fatalities. When the League of American Bicyclists ranked state policy on cycling (measuring a mix of state spending on bikes, long-term planning, and enforcement against driving offenses), it was Washington that topped the table, with West Coast companionship from Oregon and California also inside the top 10. States with lower urban density, like Alabama, Kentucky, Kansas, and Nebraska, propped up the bottom of the list.
Then there’s the curious phenomenon of the extreme anger that the mere presence of cyclists on our streets seems to evoke in some. Despite cyclists frequently suffering as the victims of roads, allowances for bicycles attract an ire that seems to go well beyond mere infrastructure. In New York, Bloomberg’s pro-bike changes saw a rival politician remark that, if elected, he would “tear out his fucking bike lanes.” Cycling communities are full of stories of unwarranted road rage. Even London’s former mayor, Boris Johnson, mercurial in his love of cycling, criticized fellow riders in 2012 for thinking of themselves as “morally superior.”
Julian Huppert, who served as MP for the U.K.’s top cycling city, Cambridge, tells similar stories about Eric Pickles, a minister with a bruising reputation for dismissing bikes. “He attacked Cambridge for focusing on cycling, describing it as the choice of the ‘elite,’” Huppert tells me. “In Cambridge, over a third of trips for work or education are done by bike; imagine the gridlock if we stopped cycling!”
These incidents aren’t isolated. In an era of Brexit and Trump, bicycles can be readily found in the basket of goods used to typify supposedly out-of-touch city types. The same nostalgic politics that harkens back to a glorious, unfettered past sees the curtailment of car use, imposition of speed limits, and affordance of greater rights to cyclists as an arrogant imposition of the future, a world of “political correctness gone mad.”
One common view of bicycles, rational and human-scale, is as a vehicle of liberalism, while cars become the prevail of those with an affinity for libertarian power. On roads dominated by heavy traffic, the cyclist quickly learns what it is to feel a minority, vulnerable, and structurally and systematically discriminated against. What happens in a culture that diminishes the value of rules, or scoffs at those that protect the vulnerable, is an increasingly central question of modern politics—but a familiar one in cycling.
Looking at the road through this political lens, the value of bicycle campaigning takes on broader resonance for how vulnerable ideas can protect and advance themselves in judgmental times. A number of characteristics have, in this regard, always worked in the bicycle’s favor. For starters, cycling is an active, physical activity with a real-world manifestation that is at odds with the sometimes cerebral disposition of liberal thought. To cycle is to vote with your bike, and in a network built around cars, it’s a de facto public protest.
While liberal politics can struggle to offer symbols that enforce abstract ideas with semiotics that evoke feeling, the bicycle as a visual icon — instantly recognizable and unifying — has a galvanizing, rallying role in campaigns. Despite efforts — both positive and critical — to typecast cyclists, bicycles have broad appeal across a political spectrum; adherents are as likely to be proponents of conscientious living as they are to believe in a free-market world of survival of the fittest.
Many of those who campaign for cycling provisions genuinely see it as an answer to their perceptions of the world’s ills: climate change, pocketbook politics, self-reliant transport, taxpayer value for money, improved public health, emotional well-being. The belief that the bicycle really could fix all of our problems, whatever they are, creates an absolute vision that serves bicycle campaigning with both a practical roadmap and a religious zeal. It’s easier to build a utopia if you can imagine what it looks like, even if the only detail in that image is plenty of bikes.
The necessity of walking the talk is also paramount, and international cycling groups have exemplified much of what is required in smart, successful campaigning: Point to positive examples elsewhere, create healthy competition between nations and cities, get media visibility, don’t indulge rivalry between groups in the same movement, share knowledge, make politicians aware, hound them where they do not acknowledge you and praise them where they do, reply to consultations, write letters, propose visions. In short — be busy. Cycling has the added bonus of creating its own tribe — cyclists — and a value system is always at its strongest where it resides in the shared form of a community, rather than in potentially atomized, isolated individuals.
This inclusivity and action has had a tendency to filter upwards, making it possible to put ideals into practice. Female politicians have been instrumental in pushing through transport changes to the good of cycling: Anne Hidalgo has made Paris a leading light of the movement, Janette Sadik-Khan (no relation to London’s mayor) bossed Bloomberg’s transport policy, and Val Shawcross has been stalwart in London’s pro-bike changes.
The consistent thread in all of this is one of bicycles as a solution; an idea that can open those ghettos that form when busy roads segregate public space. It is not a combative form of transportation, but rather one that is well suited to pulling down the walls between groups and breathing air into the places where hostile politics fester.
Much of this can help in forming templates for how the politically vulnerable ideas and minorities of this world can now fortify themselves — designing transport to relegate motor traffic and prioritize humans and human interaction is only a metaphor for a broader struggle getting underway. Coats, though talking of bicycles in Rwanda, has words that are global in their relevance: “What I love about cycling is that it’s a sport that can cut through ethnic divisions, country conflict, and help overcome social and cultural stigma.”
In sympathy with this, the bicycle offers a pace of travel that is itself an incitation to patience. Change happens slowly, and you will more likely win a war by converting an opponent than defeating them. Huppert recalls how campaigners once struggled to get cycling issues into Parliament, but after a debate was scheduled and attracted a packed house in September 2013, it became easier to secure funding and changes further down the line.
Linke describes São Paulo’s eventual embrace of its bicycle infrastructure as evidence for the same gradual acceptance. “Public opinion changed significantly since the start, when the media voiced several criticisms, amplifying problems and making the population go against the program,” she says. “In the beginning, critics simply denied the possibility of bikes in São Paulo — saying that ‘bikes are good for Amsterdam, but they don’t fit in São Paulo.’”
Clear in Linke’s reflection, however, is a desire to welcome rather than punish those slow to come around to her way of thinking. “As the network moved forward and started to show new cyclists on the road, the main criticisms moved their focus from, ‘We don’t want bike lanes’ to ‘These bike lanes are not so good, we want better ones,’” she explains. “The media support changed along with the population’s support towards the bike lane program.”
Against a backdrop of social media burnout, and the unsettling capacity of the internet to create multiple realities, the fake-news furor of the 2016 U.S. presidential election seemed a high watermark for the feeling that the delicate bonds that secure human empathy are under threat.
As Donald Trump makes and unmakes both his promises and insults, playing fast and loose with facts along the way, the concept of gaslighting has been popularized as a term used to describe a process of taking control of a subject by making targets question their own memories, perceptions, and even sanity. Gaslighting is done through chicanery and contradiction, conjecture and non sequitur, rather than outright opposition.
But if gaslighting’s purpose is to unhinge people from their sense of self, cycling as a form of transport is the opposite, an antidote. It offers space to think. To ride is a small act of self-affirmation. I cycle, therefore I am; I am pedaling, I move forward, I feel the wind on my skin.
The word “transport,” unpacked to its etymology, means literally “across doors.” It represents the gray area between home and work, lived realities that we strive constantly to control. Transport is very often the thing that happens while we are making other plans.
As concern for the state of our public discourse begins to mount, as we rue our inability to communicate across divides that seem very new and needlessly wide, perhaps the humble bicycle, a transportation mode that puts people in contact with one another and gives them back that control they seem to crave, offers a unique opportunity to remake those realities for the better.
This piece was originally published at How We Get To Next and is reposted here with permission.
Robert D. Kaplan is one of our leading international journalists, someone who can explain the most complicated and volatile regions and show why they’re relevant to our world. In Surrender or Starve, Kaplan illuminates the fault lines in the Horn of Africa, which is emerging as a crucial region for America’s ongoing war on terrorism. Reporting from Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Eritrea, Kaplan examines the factors behind the famine that ravaged the region in the 1980s, exploring the ethnic, religious, and class conflicts that are crucial for understanding the region today. He offers a new foreword and afterword that show how the nations have developed since the famine, and why this region will only grow more important to the United States. Wielding his trademark ability to blend on-the-ground reporting and cogent analysis, Robert D. Kaplan introduces us to a fascinating part of the world, one that it would behoove all of us to know more about.
Scarred by decades of conflict and occupation, the craggy African nation of Eritrea has weathered the world's longest-running guerrilla war. The dogged determination that secured victory against Ethiopia, its giant neighbor, is woven into the national psyche, the product of cynical foreign interventions. Fascist Italy wanted Eritrea as the springboard for a new, racially pure Roman empire; Britain sold off its industry for scrap; the United States needed a base for its state-of-the-art spy station; and the Soviet Union used it as a pawn in a proxy war.
In I Didn't Do It for You, Michela Wrong reveals the breathtaking abuses this tiny nation has suffered and, with a sharp eye for detail and a taste for the incongruous, tells the story of colonialism itself and how international power politics can play havoc with a country's destiny.
Eritrea is one of the few nations to be born in actual conflict in Africa. Its mountainous terrain and interesting and friendly people make a visit worthwhile; inset map of Asmara.
A brief yet detailed report on the country of Eritrea with updated information on the map, flag, history, people, economics, political conditions in government, foreign affairs, and U.S. relations.
Thousands of Eritreans have risked their lives to escape their country - this must be a fearsome place mustn't it? This book covers the two years I lived and worked in Eritrea and shows a little of the daily lives of people living under a brutal, repressive regime.
This guide explores the region's national parks, historical sites, tribal villages, modern cities and old monasteries. It contains practical advice for independent travellers, covering getting around and where to stay. It also offers details of the region's tribes and languages.
Eritrea is in the middle of African tourism, a piece of Ethiopia, the peak of our generation, you can imagine how the world came through if you tour Eritrea, especially Africa,, tourism in Eritrea is a big education that remain in your mind forever, thousands of years of adventure are still visible in your eyes face to face as if it was just yesterday, a great nature of life that human will stand to meditate upon, human origin tells by sight no matter your color, plan your visit to Eritrea and you will be full filled with what your eyes can see, till your life ends. A guide for your tour is essential, you can’t do without
The decision to travel is your responsibility. You are also responsible for your personal safety abroad. The Government of Canada takes the safety and security of Canadians abroad very seriously and provides credible and timely information in its Travel Advice. In the event of a crisis situation that requires evacuation, the Government of Canada’s policy is to provide safe transportation to the closest safe location. The Government of Canada will assist you in leaving a country or a region as a last resort, when all means of commercial or personal transportation have been exhausted. This service is provided on a cost-recovery basis. Onward travel is at your personal expense. Situations vary from one location to another, and there may be constraints on government resources that will limit the ability of the Government of Canada to provide assistance, particularly in countries or regions where the potential for violent conflict or political instability is high.
You should avoid all travel to the border area between Eritrea and Ethiopia, which extends 25 kilometres north into Eritrea. Political tension remains high between these two countries due to a long-standing territorial conflict. The border is not clearly defined, and border checkpoints remain closed. Military operations may resume in adjoining areas, which constitute a special security zone under a cessation of hostilities agreement. Violent incidents could still occur. Also note the existence of unmarked landmines in these areas. We strongly advise against driving off main and paved roads.
You should avoid all travel to the border area between Eritrea and Sudan, due to continuing instability in eastern Sudan and the risks posed by active Islamic extremist groups. Crime and bomb attacks are often reported. The Sudanese border remains closed, and we strongly advise against attempting to cross it.
You should avoid all travel to the border areas of Eritrea and Djibouti, where political tension and territorial conflicts continue to cause instability. Border raids could still be carried out, resulting in armed confrontations and other violent incidents. Crime is also reported in this area.
Regional terror groups, including those associated with al Qaeda and al-Shabaab, continue to threaten Western interests and other potential targets in Eritrea. The September 21, 2013 attack on an upscale Nairobi mall illustrates the threat of attacks on civilians in East Africa. Further attacks cannot be ruled out. Be vigilant in crowded places and monitor local media.
Street crime, including petty theft and robbery, is infrequent in Asmara and in other towns and villages. However, there has been an increase in pickpocketing and harassment against foreigners. You should take the usual security precautions and avoid showing signs of affluence.
Banditry occurs along the coast north of Massawa.
Demonstrations and rallies occur in Eritrea and have the potential to suddenly turn violent. They can lead to significant disruptions to traffic and public transportation. Avoid all demonstrations and large gatherings, follow the advice of local authorities and monitor local media.
Landmines continue to cause occasional injury and death. Many areas are mined. Caution must be exercised when travelling in remote areas or off main roads. Avoid walking and hiking in the countryside.
Pirate attacks occur in coastal waters and, in some cases, farther out at sea. Mariners should take appropriate precautions. For additional information, consult the Live Piracy Report published by the International Maritime Bureau.
Landline telephone and cell phone networks are unreliable and often limited to a few hours of service a day in major cities.
Avoid travelling in rural areas after nightfall. Paved roads connect the major cities of Asmara, Massawa, Mendefera, Dekemhare, Barentou and Keren, but roads to small villages are unpaved. Road signs and safety guard rails are often non‑existent. There are risks involved in driving, owing to the presence on the road of animals and numerous pedestrians and cyclists.
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You may be at risk for these vaccine-preventable diseases while travelling in this country. Talk to your travel health provider about which ones are right for you.
Hepatitis A is a disease of the liver spread by contaminated food or water. All those travelling to regions with a risk of hepatitis A infection should get vaccinated.
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|* It is important to note that country entry requirements may not reflect your risk of yellow fever at your destination. It is recommended that you contact the nearest diplomatic or consular office of the destination(s) you will be visiting to verify any additional entry requirements.|
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Travellers to any destination in the world can develop travellers' diarrhea from consuming contaminated water or food.
In some areas in East Africa, food and water can also carry diseases like cholera, hepatitis A, schistosomiasis and typhoid. Practise safe food and water precautions while travelling in East Africa. Remember: Boil it, cook it, peel it, or leave it!
Schistosomiasis is caused by blood flukes (tiny worms) spread to humans through contaminated water. The eggs of the worms can cause stomach illnesses like diarrhea and cramps or urinary problems. Risk is generally low for most travellers. Avoid swimming in contaminated water. There is no vaccine available for schistosomiasis.
In some areas in East Africa, certain insects carry and spread diseases like African trypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness), chikungunya, Crimean-Congo hemorrhagic fever, dengue fever, leishmaniasis, lymphatic filariasis, malaria, onchocerciasis (river blindness), Rift Valley fever, West Nile virus and yellow fever.
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To drive in Eritrea, you must have a local driver’s licence. To obtain one, you must present a valid Canadian driver’s licence or an International Driving Permit (IDP).
The currency is the nakfa (ERN).
All transactions in Eritrea must be made in the national currency. Foreign currency must be exchanged at a branch of the national bank (Himbol) at the official exchange rate. All travellers arriving in Eritrea must declare, in writing, how much foreign currency they are importing.
Most hotels, restaurants, shops and other establishments do not accept credit cards. The Government of Eritrea expects foreign tourists to pay for accommodations in U.S. dollars or euros.
The rainy season extends from June to September. During this period, most regions of Eritrea are accessible except for the western lowlands, where roads are unpaved. Keep informed of weather forecasts and plan accordingly.
Eritrea is situated in an earthquake and volcanic zone. Carry contact information for the Consulate of Canada in Asmara, in case of emergency.